Pilot Questionnaires for Transgendered People and Natal Women
in Manchester’s 'Gay Village”
by Lee R J Middlehurst
This article is taken from an appendix featured in my doctorate. It concerns a reflexive account of the design, processing and analyses of 90 completed pilot questionnaires in the analysis of ‘Male To Female’ (‘MTF’) transgendered (‘trans’) and natal women socialising in Manchester’s ‘Gay Village’. This quantitative investigation was undertaken from April to May 2006. Furthermore, this article includes some related qualitative research previously gathered (Middlehurst, 2005).
Introduction
Below is a map of the ‘Village’ which is from the website of the ‘Sparkle 2006’ weekend (23rd to 25th June 2006). On this website details the supportive celebratory events for ‘MTF’ trans people:
in Manchester’s 'Gay Village”
by Lee R J Middlehurst
This article is taken from an appendix featured in my doctorate. It concerns a reflexive account of the design, processing and analyses of 90 completed pilot questionnaires in the analysis of ‘Male To Female’ (‘MTF’) transgendered (‘trans’) and natal women socialising in Manchester’s ‘Gay Village’. This quantitative investigation was undertaken from April to May 2006. Furthermore, this article includes some related qualitative research previously gathered (Middlehurst, 2005).
Introduction
Below is a map of the ‘Village’ which is from the website of the ‘Sparkle 2006’ weekend (23rd to 25th June 2006). On this website details the supportive celebratory events for ‘MTF’ trans people:
The ‘Village’ is apparently regarded by people socialising in this area as several pubs, restaurants and clubs on and near to Canal Street, which are mostly ‘LGB&T’ supportive. According to discourses with people socialising in the ‘Village’ during 2006, it was alleged that it gained this name as a result of the venues in the area that developed following the popularity to lesbian and gay people of venues such as the ‘Thompson Arms’ pub (a star marked ‘F’ marks its location). Within this refuge from societal heteronormativity, transgenderism developed. This pub was the primary venue for the first trans celebratory ‘Sparkle’ festival in 2005.
From 24th Jun. 1998, the trans support organisation ‘Northern Concord’ (‘Concord’) resided upstairs at a predominantly gay bar called the ‘Hollywood Showbar’ (indicated by the star ‘G’ on the map). Qualitative analyses were undertaken here in 2005. Resulting from this study, I have gained familiarity with the expressions of transgenderism within this area (Middlehurst, 2005).
The interviews taken during these qualitative explorations gave indications of topics for suitable further research via quantitative analysis. During the qualitative research, Mary who has been the main hostess for the ‘Concord’, talks about the organisation:
Most [trans] people [attending the ‘Concord’] are a bit nervous at start. They need someone to help them come out. So this is a good starting point. … Some of them keep coming if they like the friends they’ve made or it’s a place to start. Others don’t need that.
Mary – transvestite (interviewed in 2005)
In this extract and further informal contacts, the mutual support that trans women give to each other at the ‘Concord’ and throughout the ‘Village’ was examined. Those attending ‘Concord’ meetings include those who are ‘out of the closet’[1] for the first time; those who regularly come to the venue to mix with friends and relax (they may not always choose to be cross-dressed); and those who are meeting friends, using the ‘Concord’ as a convenient meeting place, prior to going onto other venues in the ‘Village’. It would seem to be a useful place for gaining data where the respondents are receptive, from varied backgrounds, in comfortable surroundings and enthusiastic about promoting transgender issues. Mary was approached in February 2006 as part of gaining advice and ideas about the designs of the questionnaires.
Here, I gathered information about friends of trans women, which included details about women who actively associate with trans women. During interviewing Mary, some discourses regarded the ‘Concord’s’ annual Christmas buffet that attracts many trans women, their partners and friends. Discussions included two young women who set up and presented the evening’s karaoke entertainment:
The girls provided that completely. It was their own home karaoke machine … you know Donna?[2] They’re Donna’s two daughters. They said, ‘We’d love to do it.’ They didn’t charge anything.
(Mary [cross-dresser] interviewed in 2005)
Additionally, following other interviews and personal experience, I gained awareness of women of varied sexualities who socialise in the ‘Village’ and interact with trans women:
Like … in ‘Vanilla’ [a lesbian bar] … if you’re a tranny, you’re welcome at ‘Vanilla’ … on the whole they haven’t got a problem with trannies.
(Paula [cross-dresser] interviewed in 2005)
I decided to link the qualitative research of transphobia within the ‘Village’ to quantitative analyses. I aimed to undertake:
- A study of transgendered people in the ‘Village’ and their networks of support.
- A study of women socialising in the ‘Village’, exploring their motivations.
Two questionnaires were designed for each topic. Specific factors affecting such analyses were considered:
- Suitable research data that could be gathered.
- The areas of research geographically accessible.
- Familiarity with the area and the potential respondents under study.
- Access to suitable individuals who would be the subjects of my research.
- Time constraints with reference to undertaking the research (mixing my other work and social commitments).
- Weather constraints with reference to undertaking the research.
- Inexperience concerning this method of research.
Adverse weather conditions in April and May 2006 restricted the opportunities to gather questionnaire replies, especially for those focussing upon women. Consequently, collected and assessed were 55 replies for the questionnaire aimed at trans women and 35 replies for the questionnaire aimed at natal women. Therefore, the predominant analysis will be of the former questionnaire responses whilst giving an overview of the latter.
Nonetheless, from the position that these were pilot surveys, they have been useful as learning exercises in designing/analysing future questionnaires and for further qualitative investigations of support for ‘MTF’ trans people in the ‘Village’.
Designing the Questionnaires
Aware of limited availabilities for processing the gathered quantitative data, the questionnaires were created while researching the designs and analysis of surveys. As a result, initial creation of the questionnaires included questions which were considered to be possibly useful and then adapting them as further knowledge was gained. There was difficulty in finding suitable templates for some categories and so improvisation was required.
The design of the questionnaires was intensive. Pilot qualitative interviews were conducted in order to adjust the survey formats to be effective, efficient and approachable. ‘Negative’ questions and potential ambiguity was avoided while ensuring that the respondents only needed to mark answers but critical responses were encouraged and welcomed. The appearances of the questionnaires were also reviewed to be less visually intimidating in order to enhance their approachability.
The questionnaires were also adjusted after respondents’ occasional written or verbal comments about parts that, for instance, slightly restricted their choice of responses. On other occasions, the order of response choices was adjusted, detecting that some respondents only read part way through a list and ignored a number of options that they would otherwise pick. There were a small number of respondents who were unable or unwilling to read some of the questions as they were intended. After adjusting the initial appearance of the questionnaires, some respondents were positive about its improved format, with good feedback about its redesign from those who constituted my ‘focus group’ members/advisers.
The ‘focus group’ was both helpful and knowledgeable about my aims. They were an ex-market researcher (and now an English teacher); a young woman with a strong familiarity (over ten years) with the “Village”; another young woman who regularly socialised with trans women in the ‘Village’ and was herself conducting academic qualitative research into transgenderism; a transvestite and a transsexual woman, both of whom regularly socialise within the ‘Village’.
However, there is acknowledgement that some people would incompletely answer the questionnaires no matter how they were redesigned. Although this situation was frustrating, it was, nonetheless, educational. Once the design of the questionnaires was completed, two SPSS ‘sav’ files were formatted from them, ready for inputting responses.
The Questionnaires
The first part of the questionnaires, called “Personal Details”, asks: “Q1: Age”, “Q2: Education”, “Q3: In a Relationship?” (Q4 in the questionnaire for women socialising in the ‘Village’), “Q4: Have Children?” (Q5 for women), “Q5: What kind of job do you do?” (Q6 for women). Then “Q6: When did you first “come out” as transgendered?” (trans questionnaire only), “Q7: Where do you live?”, and “Q8: Sexuality” (Q3 for women).
For “Q7: Where do you live?”, it was aimed to ensure respondents’ anonymity and the simplicity of the question by including a map of Greater Manchester with circular “zones” superimposed. (a detailed map was downloaded from a site showing postal areas.) Here, analysis was effected to discover how potent was the attraction of the ‘Village’ (how far were respondents prepared to travel) and a link between having a family and home location.
The “Sexuality” question was basic in the questionnaire for women (“Straight”, “Bisexual” or “Lesbian”) but for transgendered people, it was known that, in most parts of the ‘Village’, trans women of all identities mixed with one another. Thus, the choices were broader. Amongst them, “Sexually attracted to cross-dressers/TGs” was added, aware from interviews that several trans women had expressed this desire. Few previous articles have quantified this phenomenon although Ekins (1997) has qualitatively investigated this.
Several of the interviews carried out during 2005 suggest that internet use has become highly important to many trans women. According to Suthrell (2004), there has been little accurate data gained concerning this:
Without the internet, I’m 100% sure I would not be going clubbing [cross‑dressed] or even gone out in the first place. It was the internet and the links it gave in the first place that allowed me to make contact with other [trans women]. I use the ’net to keep in contact with my many TV friends around the country, it’s mostly chat-rooms that I use … but I belong to a number of TV groups which I use if I need information on a TV related subject. I also have a lot of TVs contact me for information, from make‑up, to dressing, to personal problems, and I use the sites, I belong to, to try and find the answers … [T]he internet has now developed into a kind of underground network for TVs, meaning we can pass information to individuals and groups very fast.
(Julie [cross-dresser] interviewed in 2005)
Resultantly, questions were created to explore when and how frequently trans women respondents gained internet usage and the types of mutual support gained. It was planned to compare these questions with when the trans women respondents ‘came out of the closet’.
Several questions were included which concerned sexually related matters (Q8, Q13, Q15, Q17), aware of prior prejudices and confusions concerning a trans woman’s connection with cross‑dressing and sexual arousal. Some researchers have connected these issues intimately (Johnson, 2003) while some deny their relation within many trans women (Bullough and Bullough, 1993). Given the common media portrayal of women in sexual contexts (such as The Sun and The Star newspapers and many mainstream magazines including FHM and Cosmopolitan), the connection between female attire and sexual arousal may be inescapable. I have encountered many ‘MTF’ trans people who exhibit their sexual feelings and cross‑dressing explicitly. However, no contemporary data has been found that quantifies this openness. Consequently, this survey aims to begin measurement of this situation.
Internet usage was not used in the questionnaires aimed at women as the primary survey aims concern exploring motivations for coming into the ‘Village’. Additionally, it was decided to limit the size of the questionnaire so as not so de-motivate the respondents (their questionnaires were carried out on Canal Street).
For transgendered based questions concerning ‘Village’ views (Q15, Q16 and Q17) it was aimed to understand the frequency (Q15) that trans women go to the ‘Village’ and their reasons (Q16) for doing so. The suggested reasons given for Q16 were based upon discourses with trans women during 2004/5. Many examples were expressed of trans women actively socialising with each other; of transphobic harassments faced by trans women, including repeated on‑street violence; of secretiveness (due to fears of discrimination); of meeting potential dates while transgendered (both transsexual and transvestic women); and casual attendance by very confident trans women who are attracted to the ‘Village’ merely for socialising in the venues.
Q17 (Q12 for women) was designed to elicit possible attractions to the ‘Village’ and consequences of attending there. This section was the most commonly reviewed and redressed part of the questionnaires. Initially, ten ranges of suggestions were made for views about transgendered people, lesbian women, gay men, straight women and straight men. Some people were apparently confused by some questions, de-motivated by many and, as more knowledge and experience was gained, it was felt that some queries were unnecessary and/or too complicated. Therefore it was decided to express five to six questions per category.
At first 5 column choices of response were given (Peterson, 2000). However, he added that “[d]espite the widely held belief that the proper number of rating scale categories should be 7 plus or minus 2 (probably traceable to Miller, 1956), no consensus exists on the appropriate number of categories.” (63/4) Part way through my pilot survey, another category was added (and also within Q14 and Q11 for women). This was “Neutral or No opinion”. It was uncertain about putting this in, as this could give the respondent a choice that negates decisiveness. Later, it was suspected that different people could use this column and that for “Don’t know” to mean the same thing. Accordingly figures derived from these sections must be taken with a certain amount of wariness in that the format of early questions will/may have produced different responses to those given in later versions of this questionnaire. However, this section (or a version of it) may produce useful answers as in using this questionnaire repeatedly in the future.
This connects with the methods of questionnaire gathering. Venues were approached about distributing the questionnaires amongst people in their premises. Some were unconcerned but others required prior authorisation. Additionally, it was considered that women might be unreceptive to interviewers approaching them in a venue in which they had entered to relax. As a result, it was decided to approach women on Canal Street. Together with this objective, a natal female friend assisted me in gathering the data, seeing that many of the women were wary of an unfamiliar man approaching them. Consequently, my friend would often initially (jointly) interact with them which seemed to make the asked respondents more comfortable. It was discussed beforehand how we would talk to the respondents and if any wished further explanations my friend would refer them to me. That situation never arose.
In addition, after the first data gathering, clipboards were obtained with a large plastic covered paper:
OFFICIAL
QUESTIONNAIRE
GATHERING
Moreover, small information sheets were available, which respondents could take if they wished further information. These added tactics appeared to enhance people’s curiosity and helpfulness.
Unfortunately, due to the cold and rainy weather in April and May 2006, it was not able to gather many responses from women during this quantitative investigation.
From 24th Jun. 1998, the trans support organisation ‘Northern Concord’ (‘Concord’) resided upstairs at a predominantly gay bar called the ‘Hollywood Showbar’ (indicated by the star ‘G’ on the map). Qualitative analyses were undertaken here in 2005. Resulting from this study, I have gained familiarity with the expressions of transgenderism within this area (Middlehurst, 2005).
The interviews taken during these qualitative explorations gave indications of topics for suitable further research via quantitative analysis. During the qualitative research, Mary who has been the main hostess for the ‘Concord’, talks about the organisation:
Most [trans] people [attending the ‘Concord’] are a bit nervous at start. They need someone to help them come out. So this is a good starting point. … Some of them keep coming if they like the friends they’ve made or it’s a place to start. Others don’t need that.
Mary – transvestite (interviewed in 2005)
In this extract and further informal contacts, the mutual support that trans women give to each other at the ‘Concord’ and throughout the ‘Village’ was examined. Those attending ‘Concord’ meetings include those who are ‘out of the closet’[1] for the first time; those who regularly come to the venue to mix with friends and relax (they may not always choose to be cross-dressed); and those who are meeting friends, using the ‘Concord’ as a convenient meeting place, prior to going onto other venues in the ‘Village’. It would seem to be a useful place for gaining data where the respondents are receptive, from varied backgrounds, in comfortable surroundings and enthusiastic about promoting transgender issues. Mary was approached in February 2006 as part of gaining advice and ideas about the designs of the questionnaires.
Here, I gathered information about friends of trans women, which included details about women who actively associate with trans women. During interviewing Mary, some discourses regarded the ‘Concord’s’ annual Christmas buffet that attracts many trans women, their partners and friends. Discussions included two young women who set up and presented the evening’s karaoke entertainment:
The girls provided that completely. It was their own home karaoke machine … you know Donna?[2] They’re Donna’s two daughters. They said, ‘We’d love to do it.’ They didn’t charge anything.
(Mary [cross-dresser] interviewed in 2005)
Additionally, following other interviews and personal experience, I gained awareness of women of varied sexualities who socialise in the ‘Village’ and interact with trans women:
Like … in ‘Vanilla’ [a lesbian bar] … if you’re a tranny, you’re welcome at ‘Vanilla’ … on the whole they haven’t got a problem with trannies.
(Paula [cross-dresser] interviewed in 2005)
I decided to link the qualitative research of transphobia within the ‘Village’ to quantitative analyses. I aimed to undertake:
- A study of transgendered people in the ‘Village’ and their networks of support.
- A study of women socialising in the ‘Village’, exploring their motivations.
Two questionnaires were designed for each topic. Specific factors affecting such analyses were considered:
- Suitable research data that could be gathered.
- The areas of research geographically accessible.
- Familiarity with the area and the potential respondents under study.
- Access to suitable individuals who would be the subjects of my research.
- Time constraints with reference to undertaking the research (mixing my other work and social commitments).
- Weather constraints with reference to undertaking the research.
- Inexperience concerning this method of research.
Adverse weather conditions in April and May 2006 restricted the opportunities to gather questionnaire replies, especially for those focussing upon women. Consequently, collected and assessed were 55 replies for the questionnaire aimed at trans women and 35 replies for the questionnaire aimed at natal women. Therefore, the predominant analysis will be of the former questionnaire responses whilst giving an overview of the latter.
Nonetheless, from the position that these were pilot surveys, they have been useful as learning exercises in designing/analysing future questionnaires and for further qualitative investigations of support for ‘MTF’ trans people in the ‘Village’.
Designing the Questionnaires
Aware of limited availabilities for processing the gathered quantitative data, the questionnaires were created while researching the designs and analysis of surveys. As a result, initial creation of the questionnaires included questions which were considered to be possibly useful and then adapting them as further knowledge was gained. There was difficulty in finding suitable templates for some categories and so improvisation was required.
The design of the questionnaires was intensive. Pilot qualitative interviews were conducted in order to adjust the survey formats to be effective, efficient and approachable. ‘Negative’ questions and potential ambiguity was avoided while ensuring that the respondents only needed to mark answers but critical responses were encouraged and welcomed. The appearances of the questionnaires were also reviewed to be less visually intimidating in order to enhance their approachability.
The questionnaires were also adjusted after respondents’ occasional written or verbal comments about parts that, for instance, slightly restricted their choice of responses. On other occasions, the order of response choices was adjusted, detecting that some respondents only read part way through a list and ignored a number of options that they would otherwise pick. There were a small number of respondents who were unable or unwilling to read some of the questions as they were intended. After adjusting the initial appearance of the questionnaires, some respondents were positive about its improved format, with good feedback about its redesign from those who constituted my ‘focus group’ members/advisers.
The ‘focus group’ was both helpful and knowledgeable about my aims. They were an ex-market researcher (and now an English teacher); a young woman with a strong familiarity (over ten years) with the “Village”; another young woman who regularly socialised with trans women in the ‘Village’ and was herself conducting academic qualitative research into transgenderism; a transvestite and a transsexual woman, both of whom regularly socialise within the ‘Village’.
However, there is acknowledgement that some people would incompletely answer the questionnaires no matter how they were redesigned. Although this situation was frustrating, it was, nonetheless, educational. Once the design of the questionnaires was completed, two SPSS ‘sav’ files were formatted from them, ready for inputting responses.
The Questionnaires
The first part of the questionnaires, called “Personal Details”, asks: “Q1: Age”, “Q2: Education”, “Q3: In a Relationship?” (Q4 in the questionnaire for women socialising in the ‘Village’), “Q4: Have Children?” (Q5 for women), “Q5: What kind of job do you do?” (Q6 for women). Then “Q6: When did you first “come out” as transgendered?” (trans questionnaire only), “Q7: Where do you live?”, and “Q8: Sexuality” (Q3 for women).
For “Q7: Where do you live?”, it was aimed to ensure respondents’ anonymity and the simplicity of the question by including a map of Greater Manchester with circular “zones” superimposed. (a detailed map was downloaded from a site showing postal areas.) Here, analysis was effected to discover how potent was the attraction of the ‘Village’ (how far were respondents prepared to travel) and a link between having a family and home location.
The “Sexuality” question was basic in the questionnaire for women (“Straight”, “Bisexual” or “Lesbian”) but for transgendered people, it was known that, in most parts of the ‘Village’, trans women of all identities mixed with one another. Thus, the choices were broader. Amongst them, “Sexually attracted to cross-dressers/TGs” was added, aware from interviews that several trans women had expressed this desire. Few previous articles have quantified this phenomenon although Ekins (1997) has qualitatively investigated this.
Several of the interviews carried out during 2005 suggest that internet use has become highly important to many trans women. According to Suthrell (2004), there has been little accurate data gained concerning this:
Without the internet, I’m 100% sure I would not be going clubbing [cross‑dressed] or even gone out in the first place. It was the internet and the links it gave in the first place that allowed me to make contact with other [trans women]. I use the ’net to keep in contact with my many TV friends around the country, it’s mostly chat-rooms that I use … but I belong to a number of TV groups which I use if I need information on a TV related subject. I also have a lot of TVs contact me for information, from make‑up, to dressing, to personal problems, and I use the sites, I belong to, to try and find the answers … [T]he internet has now developed into a kind of underground network for TVs, meaning we can pass information to individuals and groups very fast.
(Julie [cross-dresser] interviewed in 2005)
Resultantly, questions were created to explore when and how frequently trans women respondents gained internet usage and the types of mutual support gained. It was planned to compare these questions with when the trans women respondents ‘came out of the closet’.
Several questions were included which concerned sexually related matters (Q8, Q13, Q15, Q17), aware of prior prejudices and confusions concerning a trans woman’s connection with cross‑dressing and sexual arousal. Some researchers have connected these issues intimately (Johnson, 2003) while some deny their relation within many trans women (Bullough and Bullough, 1993). Given the common media portrayal of women in sexual contexts (such as The Sun and The Star newspapers and many mainstream magazines including FHM and Cosmopolitan), the connection between female attire and sexual arousal may be inescapable. I have encountered many ‘MTF’ trans people who exhibit their sexual feelings and cross‑dressing explicitly. However, no contemporary data has been found that quantifies this openness. Consequently, this survey aims to begin measurement of this situation.
Internet usage was not used in the questionnaires aimed at women as the primary survey aims concern exploring motivations for coming into the ‘Village’. Additionally, it was decided to limit the size of the questionnaire so as not so de-motivate the respondents (their questionnaires were carried out on Canal Street).
For transgendered based questions concerning ‘Village’ views (Q15, Q16 and Q17) it was aimed to understand the frequency (Q15) that trans women go to the ‘Village’ and their reasons (Q16) for doing so. The suggested reasons given for Q16 were based upon discourses with trans women during 2004/5. Many examples were expressed of trans women actively socialising with each other; of transphobic harassments faced by trans women, including repeated on‑street violence; of secretiveness (due to fears of discrimination); of meeting potential dates while transgendered (both transsexual and transvestic women); and casual attendance by very confident trans women who are attracted to the ‘Village’ merely for socialising in the venues.
Q17 (Q12 for women) was designed to elicit possible attractions to the ‘Village’ and consequences of attending there. This section was the most commonly reviewed and redressed part of the questionnaires. Initially, ten ranges of suggestions were made for views about transgendered people, lesbian women, gay men, straight women and straight men. Some people were apparently confused by some questions, de-motivated by many and, as more knowledge and experience was gained, it was felt that some queries were unnecessary and/or too complicated. Therefore it was decided to express five to six questions per category.
At first 5 column choices of response were given (Peterson, 2000). However, he added that “[d]espite the widely held belief that the proper number of rating scale categories should be 7 plus or minus 2 (probably traceable to Miller, 1956), no consensus exists on the appropriate number of categories.” (63/4) Part way through my pilot survey, another category was added (and also within Q14 and Q11 for women). This was “Neutral or No opinion”. It was uncertain about putting this in, as this could give the respondent a choice that negates decisiveness. Later, it was suspected that different people could use this column and that for “Don’t know” to mean the same thing. Accordingly figures derived from these sections must be taken with a certain amount of wariness in that the format of early questions will/may have produced different responses to those given in later versions of this questionnaire. However, this section (or a version of it) may produce useful answers as in using this questionnaire repeatedly in the future.
This connects with the methods of questionnaire gathering. Venues were approached about distributing the questionnaires amongst people in their premises. Some were unconcerned but others required prior authorisation. Additionally, it was considered that women might be unreceptive to interviewers approaching them in a venue in which they had entered to relax. As a result, it was decided to approach women on Canal Street. Together with this objective, a natal female friend assisted me in gathering the data, seeing that many of the women were wary of an unfamiliar man approaching them. Consequently, my friend would often initially (jointly) interact with them which seemed to make the asked respondents more comfortable. It was discussed beforehand how we would talk to the respondents and if any wished further explanations my friend would refer them to me. That situation never arose.
In addition, after the first data gathering, clipboards were obtained with a large plastic covered paper:
OFFICIAL
QUESTIONNAIRE
GATHERING
Moreover, small information sheets were available, which respondents could take if they wished further information. These added tactics appeared to enhance people’s curiosity and helpfulness.
Unfortunately, due to the cold and rainy weather in April and May 2006, it was not able to gather many responses from women during this quantitative investigation.
Results From the Pilot Questionnaires
1) - Questionnaires from transgendered people in the “Village”
This section concerns the results taken from trans women at the ‘Concord’. Attending this venue fails to assess all trans women that go into the ‘Village’ as many who do not go to this organisation. Nonetheless, many trans women on their first ventures in the ‘Village’ apparently initially attend this venue. It has been discovered that most respondents are married or in relationships. In the table below is information about types of expressed relationships:
1) - Questionnaires from transgendered people in the “Village”
This section concerns the results taken from trans women at the ‘Concord’. Attending this venue fails to assess all trans women that go into the ‘Village’ as many who do not go to this organisation. Nonetheless, many trans women on their first ventures in the ‘Village’ apparently initially attend this venue. It has been discovered that most respondents are married or in relationships. In the table below is information about types of expressed relationships:
Descriptives
Thus here, 51.9% of the trans women in the survey are in a relationship. The proportion of their partners that are aware of their cross-dressing is unknown.
Respondent's age
This data suggests that from a trans woman’s thirties (s)he seems much more likely to attend the ‘Concord’. It was decided for future investigations to compose a graph of respondents’ age and when they ‘came out’ so see if a link could be more clearly shown:
The graph suggests that there maybe a very slight relationship between age and ‘coming out’ as transgendered in public. A Linear regression and a Bivariate Correlation were conducted:
Peterson’s R of 0.079 indicates that there is a very weak link between these two variables. It is uncertain that, with a greater sample size, a clearer picture could be obtained. However, it seems that there are other factors that influence when a trans woman chooses to ‘come out’. Therefore, recalling the above interview extract with Julie, queries were effected regarding the potency of the internet and the support of other trans women online assisting trans women to ‘come out’. Interestingly, there appears to be no significant link between first having access to the internet and ‘coming out’. It may be that there is a link between ‘coming out’ and how an ‘MTF’ trans person accesses transgender support on the internet (such as in Julie’s case). Further research in this area may be useful.
Any link between education and ‘coming out’ was considered:
Any link between education and ‘coming out’ was considered:
The graph above shows a notable number of the respondents had a high educational level. The respondents were randomly approached but this does suggest the composition of trans women socialising in the ‘Concord’. There seems to be a moderate link between the two variables in that the greater the education the earlier the trans person “comes out” but again, without much greater sampling, this assumption should be taken with caution:
There was concern that the clientele in the ‘Concord’ may be insular with not socialising in the other clubs and pubs in the ‘Village’. Thus the results could be restricted. However, the questions asked, which concerned views of other people within the ‘Village’, suggested that many respondents attend other venues. Below are examples concerning the perceptions of gay men in the ‘Village’:
The three graphs above also show that a certain proportion of trans women did not know about gay men, namely, 12.7%, 10.9% and 9.1%. The other questions concerning trans women’ views of gay men (“are gay men open-minded?” and “are gay men sexy?”) the “Don’t know” responses are 12.7% and 10.9% respectively. Several factors could affect a person’s choice of answers but if we were to regard these figures as indicators of trans women who have not regularly ventured into the ‘Village’ (and so have not interacted with gay men in various venues) then in processing these five figures:
It would seem that approximately 11.26% of the respondents at the ‘Concord’ answer that they not know about gay men in the ‘Village’. The same comparisons were performed for the categories concerning lesbians (17.08%), straight women (10.90%), straight men (18.20%) and other TGs (4.72%). It could be that lesbian women are not as gregarious in the ‘Village’ as gay men (and also as straight women socialising in the ‘Village’) so therefore a trans woman could have less opportunity to meet lesbians. Straight men are rarer in the ‘Village’ - one natal female respondent alleged, “There are no straight men in the ‘Village’”. So again, trans women may be less likely to meet them. These figures were compared with the responses for when the ‘MTF’ trans people answering have ‘come out’. Considering that this ‘cross-tabulation’ resulted in the generation of 26 tables, one table is presented below as an example. This is of trans opinions about “lesbians ‘being nice/fun to be with’”:
The results suggest that trans women which have only recently ‘come out’ answer, perhaps not surprisingly, “Don’t know” (a small but consistent number of respondents). However, a small number of ‘MTF’ trans respondents who have been ‘out’ for much longer also answer “Don’t know”. This led to processing cross-tabulations using a third variable. Thus, trans respondents views were compared of lesbians, gay man, straight women, straight men and other trans women with the second variable of when the trans respondents ‘came out’ and then with the third variable of how often they socialised in the ‘Village’. Again this resulted in the creation of 26 tables and so just the table below is presented as an example:
From this table, three trans women who have been ‘out’ 5-10 years and one who ‘came out’ 10+ years ago, answer “Don’t know”. It should be noted that, at this point, several trans respondents partly or completely failed to complete these questions asking about people that they meet in the ‘Village’. I have sometimes stood next to respondents as they completed the questionnaire. Many completely ignore parts, particularly those asking their views about other people in the ‘Village’, putting no comments on these sections indicating why. They usually expressed that these parts are not relevant to them as they have no applicable knowledge. These parts within incomplete questionnaires number between 8 and 14. If these are added to the “Don’t know” responses then, concerning the tables above for example, “Lesbians in Village - Fun/Nice to be with”, a total of 21 (9 “Don’t know” responses and 12 unfilled) were not able to assess this part of the questionnaire, which then means that over a third of respondents were not knowledgeable about this area. This gives a potentially very different picture of transgendered people who socialize in the ‘Northern Concord'. This, however, is an incomplete observation.
As mentioned earlier, from personal observations and interviews, many trans women go from the ‘Concord’ into other clubs that cater for all people that frequent the ‘Village’. Many go to socialise in the clubs ‘AXM’ and ‘Napoleons’. The latter club gives a very wide variety of sexualities. As a result, many trans women attending ‘Concord’ would inevitably meet lesbians, gay men, straight women, (occasionally) straight men and other ‘MTF’ trans people. From this viewpoint, a greater understanding of the perspectives of trans women in these questionnaires and those in the ‘Village’ would be worth further investigation. One theory is that these different groups are aware of each other but do not always interact. ‘MTF’ trans people will effect discourses with other trans women, just as it has been observed that many gay men in the ‘Village’ interact only with other gay men. Discourses with gay men in the ‘Village’ have been made who seem to be naive about transgender issues. Mary expresses an opinion about gay men and heterosexual non‑cross‑dressing men that seems to conform with this theory:
[They] just avoid us. We don’t clash. The ones who don’t like trannies just keep out the way ... they’re not aggressive ... The hardest thing to deal with are the bigoted bloody heterosexuals. The ones that get together in a group. They want a fight. Gay people aren’t like that … I don’t really like men, real men like that. I don’t feel comfortable.
Mary – transvestite (interviewed in 2005)
If this theory is correct then many trans women who do not go to the ‘Concord’ will also answer that they do not know about other groups in the “Village”. Only with a much larger sample of respondents would this be clearer. While the “Don’t know” responses about the views by trans women of other ‘MTF’ trans people are small there is an interesting variation. The “Don’t know” responses are 3.6%, 5.5%, 3.6%, 7.3%, 3.6% and 3.6%. The outstanding figure of 7.3% refers to trans women being viewed as sexy:
As mentioned earlier, from personal observations and interviews, many trans women go from the ‘Concord’ into other clubs that cater for all people that frequent the ‘Village’. Many go to socialise in the clubs ‘AXM’ and ‘Napoleons’. The latter club gives a very wide variety of sexualities. As a result, many trans women attending ‘Concord’ would inevitably meet lesbians, gay men, straight women, (occasionally) straight men and other ‘MTF’ trans people. From this viewpoint, a greater understanding of the perspectives of trans women in these questionnaires and those in the ‘Village’ would be worth further investigation. One theory is that these different groups are aware of each other but do not always interact. ‘MTF’ trans people will effect discourses with other trans women, just as it has been observed that many gay men in the ‘Village’ interact only with other gay men. Discourses with gay men in the ‘Village’ have been made who seem to be naive about transgender issues. Mary expresses an opinion about gay men and heterosexual non‑cross‑dressing men that seems to conform with this theory:
[They] just avoid us. We don’t clash. The ones who don’t like trannies just keep out the way ... they’re not aggressive ... The hardest thing to deal with are the bigoted bloody heterosexuals. The ones that get together in a group. They want a fight. Gay people aren’t like that … I don’t really like men, real men like that. I don’t feel comfortable.
Mary – transvestite (interviewed in 2005)
If this theory is correct then many trans women who do not go to the ‘Concord’ will also answer that they do not know about other groups in the “Village”. Only with a much larger sample of respondents would this be clearer. While the “Don’t know” responses about the views by trans women of other ‘MTF’ trans people are small there is an interesting variation. The “Don’t know” responses are 3.6%, 5.5%, 3.6%, 7.3%, 3.6% and 3.6%. The outstanding figure of 7.3% refers to trans women being viewed as sexy:
Attempting to uncover possible reasons, the responses to Q7: Sexuality were considered:
The first two graphs above recall previous assessments by Bullough & Bullough (1993) in their reviews of two surveys from 1981 of American and Australian transvestites. They expressed that 89% and 72% were heterosexual, which fell to 52% and 56% when they were cross-dressed (1993: 295). In my survey, it was found that 73% of the transvestites considered themselves heterosexual, with that figure falling to 39.5% when they were cross‑dressed. Other parts of the questionnaire were examined that related to sexual perceptions:
There should be scepticism concerning these responses concerning erotica. The Independent on Sunday newspaper presented a story about the common usage of internet ‘porn’, saying that “almost 40 per cent of the male population … used pornographic websites last year” (Barnes and Goodchild, 29th May 2006:1). This suggests that the trans respondents were less motivated to view online pornography than many men or that they understated their use of pornography or that they presumed that the questionnaire was only asking about transgender pornography. This above table does seem to suggest that those that are bisexual when cross‑dressed are more sexually motivated than cross‑dressed heterosexuals when using the internet. Their perception of others in the ‘Village’ also differs:
Here heterosexual transvestites view some trans women as “sexy” but they are more decisive in how they regard straight women. This perception contrasts with the gathered views from heterosexual female respondents in the ‘Village’.
2) - Questionnaires for Women in the ‘Village’
Considering the small number of responses from this questionnaire these figures only give suggestions and ideas as to the difficulties in this research and future directions of further investigations.
2) - Questionnaires for Women in the ‘Village’
Considering the small number of responses from this questionnaire these figures only give suggestions and ideas as to the difficulties in this research and future directions of further investigations.
The age for the women replying is predominantly in late teens to early twenties. Most respondents are heterosexual. Education and employment were examined:
These graphs show that many of the respondents are highly educated and are students. While these women were approached randomly, there may be factors amongst those who were more willing to help in this questionnaire which, resultantly, disables a completely random sampling.
The questionnaires were structured to ask general questions about people in the ‘Village’. However, the prominent investigations included perceptions of trans women. One section explicitly concerns the view of ‘cross-dressers’. Several questions enquired about the sexuality of trans women:
The questionnaires were structured to ask general questions about people in the ‘Village’. However, the prominent investigations included perceptions of trans women. One section explicitly concerns the view of ‘cross-dressers’. Several questions enquired about the sexuality of trans women:
These graphs seem to suggest that many of the questioned women going into the ‘Village’ are aware that trans women cannot be generalised as being homosexual. Additionally, the graphs show significant women who “don’t know” which seems to reinforce the previous suggestion that different groups of people in the ‘Village’ often do not interact.
I wished to assess how women in the ‘Village’ view others as “sexy”
I wished to assess how women in the ‘Village’ view others as “sexy”
It would seem from these above tables that the range of responses by women is similar as to how they perceive other straight women and trans women as “sexy”. This contrasts with the responses from heterosexual transvestites. Perhaps the women dispassionately observe a femininely dressed person as “sexy”. Many heterosexual cross-dressers may seem to view feminine glamour from a male perspective even though they are cross-dressed. Many may not view “sexiness” neutrally. This however, would require further investigations to gain more accurate information concerning this.
Conclusion
The creation of these questionnaires and their processing has been problematic. Their creation and processing has been intensive, complicated, difficult, prone to uncertainties but educational. Furthermore, the extensive data gathered has been informative. Consequently, it has been a useful exercise and one, which has had a direct and positive influence upon the research of transphobia and support for ‘MTF’ trans people in the ‘Village’.
In this article it has been demonstrated that the ‘Village’ area is not only supportive for ‘LGB’ people but it is also the host for the notable trans support organisation ‘Northern Concord’, which provides a safe and supportive social ‘space’, resisting societal transphobia. The regard that the ‘Village’ itself is a refuge from transphobic harassments is perhaps suggested by hosting the large trans celebratory event ‘Sparkle’ in 2006 and by the trans women that travel great distances to socialise in this area.
This quantitative research has suggested that trans identities are varied and that natal women in the ‘Village’ may support trans women. It has suggested by this investigation that internet usage by trans people may be an important aspect to their support online and enabling socialising in the ‘Village’ and that further explorations of this matter would be informative. There may be a link between education level and overt expression of transgenderism. However, it has been suggested that ‘Northern Concord’ respondents may be insular. Trans people appear to rarely interact with ‘LGB’ people. Sexualities do appear to vary amongst cross-dressers according to how they present themselves but there is wariness of this suggestion.
It has been suggested that women socialise in the ‘Village’, who often are young students, seem to have limited awareness of transgenderism in this area. It has been recognised despite this area being an escape from patriarchal gender and sexuality stereotypes, these stereotypes influence perceptions of the people socialising in this area.
It as been identified that focus groups can be beneficial in order to gain additional information regarding enhancing the research. There is awareness of complications concerning sampling strategies as well. It has also been recognised within this research that internet usage by trans people is becoming influential in their interactions in reality.
Several trans women have expressed a desire to see the results of this research and were enthusiastic about assisting my research, which included, on several occasions, motivating other trans women who were friends/acquaintances to assist the data gathering. This has been similar to women completing the questionnaires. One or two women in a group would encourage their other companions to also complete questionnaires. As a result, several questionnaires would get produced simultaneously with only limited personal interactions.
Endnotes
[1] Here ‘out of the closet’ refers to being explicitly transgendered.
[2] Donna is a transsexual woman.
References
Barnes, A. and S. Goodchild (29th May 2006). "UK: Record numbers viewing Internet porn." from http://www.democraticunderground.com/discuss/duboard.php?az=view_all&address=364x1307588.
Bullough, V. L. and B. Bullough (1993). Cross Dressing, Sex, and Gender. Philadelphia, USA: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Johnson, O. S. (2003). The Sexual Rainbow : Exploring Sexual Diversity. London, UK: Fusion.
Peterson, R. A. (2000). Constructing effective questionnaires. London, UK: Sage Publications.
Middlehurst, L. (2005). Queering Transvestism: From the Internet Closet Out and In Manchester. Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Studies. Leeds, UK: University of Leeds. Masters of Arts: 60.
Miller, G. A. (1956). The magical number seven, plus or minus two: Some limits on our capacity for processing information. Psychological Review, 63(2), 343–355.
Suthrell, C. A. (2004). Unzipping Gender : sex, cross-dressing and culture. Oxford, UK: Berg.
Conclusion
The creation of these questionnaires and their processing has been problematic. Their creation and processing has been intensive, complicated, difficult, prone to uncertainties but educational. Furthermore, the extensive data gathered has been informative. Consequently, it has been a useful exercise and one, which has had a direct and positive influence upon the research of transphobia and support for ‘MTF’ trans people in the ‘Village’.
In this article it has been demonstrated that the ‘Village’ area is not only supportive for ‘LGB’ people but it is also the host for the notable trans support organisation ‘Northern Concord’, which provides a safe and supportive social ‘space’, resisting societal transphobia. The regard that the ‘Village’ itself is a refuge from transphobic harassments is perhaps suggested by hosting the large trans celebratory event ‘Sparkle’ in 2006 and by the trans women that travel great distances to socialise in this area.
This quantitative research has suggested that trans identities are varied and that natal women in the ‘Village’ may support trans women. It has suggested by this investigation that internet usage by trans people may be an important aspect to their support online and enabling socialising in the ‘Village’ and that further explorations of this matter would be informative. There may be a link between education level and overt expression of transgenderism. However, it has been suggested that ‘Northern Concord’ respondents may be insular. Trans people appear to rarely interact with ‘LGB’ people. Sexualities do appear to vary amongst cross-dressers according to how they present themselves but there is wariness of this suggestion.
It has been suggested that women socialise in the ‘Village’, who often are young students, seem to have limited awareness of transgenderism in this area. It has been recognised despite this area being an escape from patriarchal gender and sexuality stereotypes, these stereotypes influence perceptions of the people socialising in this area.
It as been identified that focus groups can be beneficial in order to gain additional information regarding enhancing the research. There is awareness of complications concerning sampling strategies as well. It has also been recognised within this research that internet usage by trans people is becoming influential in their interactions in reality.
Several trans women have expressed a desire to see the results of this research and were enthusiastic about assisting my research, which included, on several occasions, motivating other trans women who were friends/acquaintances to assist the data gathering. This has been similar to women completing the questionnaires. One or two women in a group would encourage their other companions to also complete questionnaires. As a result, several questionnaires would get produced simultaneously with only limited personal interactions.
Endnotes
[1] Here ‘out of the closet’ refers to being explicitly transgendered.
[2] Donna is a transsexual woman.
References
Barnes, A. and S. Goodchild (29th May 2006). "UK: Record numbers viewing Internet porn." from http://www.democraticunderground.com/discuss/duboard.php?az=view_all&address=364x1307588.
Bullough, V. L. and B. Bullough (1993). Cross Dressing, Sex, and Gender. Philadelphia, USA: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Johnson, O. S. (2003). The Sexual Rainbow : Exploring Sexual Diversity. London, UK: Fusion.
Peterson, R. A. (2000). Constructing effective questionnaires. London, UK: Sage Publications.
Middlehurst, L. (2005). Queering Transvestism: From the Internet Closet Out and In Manchester. Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Studies. Leeds, UK: University of Leeds. Masters of Arts: 60.
Miller, G. A. (1956). The magical number seven, plus or minus two: Some limits on our capacity for processing information. Psychological Review, 63(2), 343–355.
Suthrell, C. A. (2004). Unzipping Gender : sex, cross-dressing and culture. Oxford, UK: Berg.
