Questionnaire Design - Transgender People in Manchester |
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This article concerns the design of a pilot 'self-administered' questionnaire aimed at transgender ('trans*') people in Manchester. While this paper has been reshaped in 2013, it was originally written in 2006 as part of training in quantitative methods, which included gaining skills with the SPSS questionnaire analysing computer program. This article will detail the reasons why this research topic has been chosen; how the questionnaire was developed; the questions included; some potential computer analyses; and possible further development of the questionnaire following application.
It also indicates the significance of gaining extensive knowledge about the examined subject area prior to designing the associated questionnaires.
Introduction
The choice of subject for these investigation derives from my PhD research regarding transvestite communities. From pilot interviews and interactions with cross-dressers, it has been observed that many transvestites, transsexuals and other gender non-conformists readily inter-relate. They are collectively known as trans people. Any research cannot realistically separate interests from any particular type of transgenderism without reference to the other forms.
My PhD research has uncovered numerous textual deficiencies in the study of trans groups. Apart from the general lack of contemporary examinations of transgenderism, especially for transvestism, there is a scarcity of quantitative analyses (Mitchell and Howarth, Autumn 2009). Recent studies of British trans communities have only concerned qualitative analyses (Ekins and King, 1996; Ekins, 1997, Suthrell, 2004). While such researchers have presented noteworthy data, they have inadvertently shown intermittent misunderstandings based upon outdated, insufficient and biased information. Moreover, some contradict each other.
Bullough & Bullough (1993) have investigated six significant surveys of transvestites. However, they are dated between 1972 and 1988. Even so, recent writers still refer to these data (Rudd, 1999). Docter & Prince (1997 ) have investigated the responses from 1032 American cross-dressers but one of these questionnaire designers has expressed homophobic prejudices and limited definitions about trans identities (Boyd, 2003).
Resultantly, modern surveys of British transgenderism can be lacking with limited understanding of present-day British trans identities, particularly transvestites, despite being, arguably, the largest trans group (Monger, 1992; Suthrell, 2004; GIRES, 2011). Additionally, the texts derived from research in this country display limited knowledge of gatherings in places outside London that attract trans people.
Online, there are details of recent quantitative studies carried out by people based in Britain. Helen Dale, a trans woman, has administered an online survey, which focuses upon trans people's personal histories and present cross-gendered motivations (including sexual fantasies). It does not, however, centre on trans people who are 'out of the closet'. That is, they have taken the step to be more public in their transgenderism rather than expressing it in private. According to previously referred to research, a significant number of transvestites are still 'in the closet', allegedly much more than are 'out', but the exact proportion of 'closeted' to 'out' trans people is unknown. Consequently, her questionnaires do not significantly explore mutual support, support from relatives and friends or attitudes to venues and events. It seems to be fairly comprehensive [2] but it is purely an online questionnaire and (s)he gives no details of any personal qualification in this research area nor does she clearly detail the questionnaire's purpose.
Dr Stephen Whittle [3] administered another survey for the 'Equalities Review', which was aimed at finding details about the types of discrimination experienced by trans people. The survey had ceased accepting data prior to writing this article so I am unaware of the details of its structure and of its ultimate results. However, from its descriptions, it does not concern investigations of support but rather of adversity.
Consequently, there is an identified deficiency of quantitative data concerning contemporary trans people in the United Kingdom.
The Overview of the Analysis
The objective of the research detailed in this paper is to prepare for the efficient collection of quantitative data concerning trans people who have 'come out of the closet'. De Vaus (1996) expressed concerns about the limitation of survey research. Nonetheless, this research will be a prelude for future work, triangulating [4] in this study area with both quantitative and qualitative analyses.
However, there are complications in this analysis. The importance of obtaining a representative sample has been stressed in several texts (Oppenheim, 1992; Burton, 2000; Bryman, 2001). However, there are several difficulties in my research area. Firstly, for pilot investigations, my personal time and travelling constraints limit the sample size and data collection. Much more crucially, there is no applicable data quantifying any aspects of trans people since no useful contemporary quantitative data has been gathered in this research area. As a consequence, the concept of 'representative' in this study is problematic.
From pilot interviews and personal experience it has been ascertained that Manchester attracts a large number of trans people, particularly in the area of the city euphemistically referred to as the 'Gay Village' (often just referred to as the `Village'). This location is suitable for the application of a pilot questionnaire focusing upon trans respondents. The reasons for this are:
- A large number of trans people regularly go to the 'Village' so, hopefully, a survey could attract numerous respondents. Additionally, there is no published academic study of the trans people who socialise in this area.
- The main support club for trans people in Manchester, called the `Northern Concord' (the 'Concord') has a large membership and long establishment, "created in 1986 out of the ashes of the original Manchester TV/TS group which had been running since 1975" (Baker 2006:1). Its members are individuals who have decided to 'come out'. However, many trans people, who have been 'out' for some time, still go to the ‘Concord’, as well as several other venues in the 'Village'. Many of its members are willing to be respondents and have enthusiastically assisted in my and other students' previous qualitative data gatherings. The club is open every Wednesday evening and, as a result, the whole of the 'Village' enjoys a significant upsurge of trans people attending on that night even if many do not go to the 'Concord'. In spite of this, the club's social effects upon trans people in the area, and visa versa, have not been academically investigated. The club also provides a comfortable and supportive environment, which can assist respondents to actively participate in questionnaire data collection.
- Other areas of data collection are in the other venues in the 'Village' popular with trans people. Particularly, these are the clubs, 'AXM' and `Napoleon's'. I have approached both venues, asking managerial staff for permission to approach their trans customers. The staff in the former establishment was initially wary but, having got conversant and amiable with the manager for 'AXM', I am now confident of being able to approach people there. The manager for 'Napoleon's' was willing to allow my research. However, both places can be noisy and busy which would hamper extensive interaction with respondents so the questionnaires have had to be designed so that respondents would be able to complete them in their own time and then return them either by hand or by post.
- Having lived and extensively researched around Manchester, I am knowledgeable about the structure of the city and with many trans people who socialise in the 'Village'.
- I live close to Manchester. Consequently, getting there frequently is easy for me.
Many of the trans people socialising in the 'Village' are local (from the Greater Manchester area) but, as mentioned earlier, a significant quantity are from many parts of the United Kingdom as the city has many venues (shops, clubs and pubs) that attract them.[5] The responses from this variety of trans people are perhaps not to be regarded as representative of national phenomena of transgenderism but can, nonetheless, give indications for further research in other parts of the United Kingdom.
The Development of the Analysis
"Too often, surveys are carried out on the basis of insufficient design and planning". (Oppenheim, 1992:7) With that warning in mind, methodical development of this research must be carried out. As a result, I shall broadly follow the three "tasks" Peterson (2000) details. The first is "to review and understand the information requirements of the problem, opportunity, or decision that led to the need for a questionnaire." (15)
In preparing for this assignment I have read of an example of research enhancements concerning black respondents who were positively affected by having a black interviewer (Schuman/Presser, 1996:47). This I connected with my own present study aims in that as a result of societal discrimination against transgenderism (this intolerance can sometimes be violent), trans people are wary of strangers, especially non-trans men. I found, when conducting past qualitative interviews in this area, that, as I am also trans, the respondents became open and helpful with me, being less concerned about guarding confidentiality and displaying a clear demonstration of "rapport effects" (Schuman/Presser, 1996:50). This I hope will assist my data collection for this quantitative research.
However, I do wish to reduce bias such as respondents' giving me the answers that they think I will want. Consequently, I plan to use "self-administered questionnaires" (Oppenheim, 1992:103) - pilot versions initially - that can be completed by the respondents with little direction from myself. However, because of the possibility of 'respondent fatigue' long questionnaires are rarely feasible. They may even result in a greater tendency for questionnaires not to be answered in the first place, since they can be off-putting (Bryman, 2001:135).
This situation is also detailed by other texts (such as Schuman/Presser, 1996:50). Therefore these questionnaires will be brief enough to be completed shortly after receipt or, if any respondent desires, after suitable consultation, (s)he can be complete one in 'hir' (`his/her') own time and post to me.
This method of data collection ensures a high response rate, accurate sampling and a minimum of interviewer bias, while permitting the interviewer assessments, providing necessary explanations (but not the interpretation of the questions) and giving the benefit of a degree of personal contact.
As I have stated earlier, most recent published studies concerning transgenderism have involved qualitative data gathering. These have tended to be either concentrating upon individual interviewees and/or reviews of groups (Ekins and King, 1996; Suthrell, 2004) but often these analyses tend to be detached and observational. Such an example is the psychologist Neil Buhrich's review of a transvestite club:
Most dress in clothes suitable to their age. Some members wear clothes which were fashionable in their youth and which now look out of date. Others favour a particular style, a mini skirt or somewhat tartish dress, worn with heavy make-up. (Buhrich, 1976 cited in Ekins and King, 1996: 65)
Such writers like Buhrich erroneously give few constructive details of trans support and relationships with no empathy with the people under study. Support networks for trans people are very complex. Some just depend upon assistance from trans friends but, from my prior observations and interviews, I have seen trans people regularly go to 'Village' with their partner, family members and friends. These people are not just accompanying their trans companion out of obligation but are often enthusiastic in the trans communities. However, no contemporary data has been found that attempts to quantify the varied natures of support for British trans people.
As part of these support networks is the present-day role of the internet for trans people:
The advent of the world wide web — and internet chat rooms — as hosting social discourses for transvestites has had, and is increasingly likely to have, even more of an impact for transvestites than for most groups, since transvestism still tends to be a closet activity and is thus ideally suited to the anonymous style of interaction provided by the internet. It will also prove, I suspect, a very useful and interesting medium for further research in this area (Suthrell 2004:72)
I contend that Suthrell under-estimates how diverse the internet has become and useful for all forms of transgenderism and how these forms can interact. However, she does detail that greater research in this area would be informative. The questionnaire designed for this research should include the investigation of this area.
Linked with internet usage is sexual arousal, namely a growing interest in internet pornography, particularly to men. On the 25th May 2006, The Independent newspaper detailed an investigation of online pornography., one of the conclusions of this research is that, in this country, "more than nine million men — almost 40 per cent of the male population — used pornographic websites last year". (Barnes and Goodchild, 29th May 2006:1) [6] With this observation, the extent of pornographic internet use by trans people may be interesting given the alleged connection of cross-dressing and sexual arousal.
An example of this supposed connection is the below quote, concerning transvestites, who apparently are a subgroup of heterosexual men ... [who] become sexually aroused when they dress in female clothing ... Cross-dressers enjoy having their wives or partners watch them cross-dress and like making love to their wives while dressed in female garb. (Johnson 2003:32)
As with other similar writers in this subject area, Johnson expresses no valid data to support her claims. Her assertions are generalised to all transvestites. She does not consider any variations of sexuality nor of sexual arousal. She and other similar writers do not compare/contrast the trans people with patterns of sexual arousal among non-cross-dressers. For instance, she asserts that transvestites become sexually stimulated by wearing women's garments but does not detail if non-cross-dressing men may also become similarly erotically aroused from intimately handling female clothing or if an unknown number of women also become sexually stimulated by wearing certain feminine attire. [7]
Johnson and other similar investigators do not consider some writers' analyses of transgenderism, which contradict her statements (for instance Ekins, 1997; Bloom, 2002). She and others do not consider the existence of transvestites that cross-dress permanently but are not intending to surgically and/or legally transition. Presently, these people are usually referred to as 'transgenderists'. No published writer gives any quantification of any of these situations. [8]
Consequently, my quantitative analyses of transgenderism will focus upon three general areas:
- Mutual support within trans communities as well as support from friends and family members of trans people.
- Within this support, is the significance of the internet to trans people
- Sexualities and sexual feelings/arousal amongst trans individuals and groups.
The Development of the Subject Areas
Concerning the examination of support networks within trans communities and from friends and family members, the questionnaires will ask the respondents about
- their reasons for going to the 'Village' and, within that, 'Northern Concord'.
- how they interact with other people in the 'Village', especially other trans people.
- the effects of the ‘Sparkle’ trans celebrations upon trans identity and confidence. For example, if it inspired them to go to places outside the ‘Village’. [9]
Regarding internet usage by trans people, the questionnaire will request details from the respondents about
- their use of internet access and particularly in communicating with other trans people.
- connections between these communications and interactions with trans people in 'reality'.
The questionnaire will also enquire about
- the respondent's sexuality (transvestite, transsexual, transgenderist)
- the respondent's sexual preference (gay, bisexual, heterosexual or other combinations)
In translating the question responses into variables for processing (via SPSS), the above three categories and their mutual links can be investigated.
The Structure and Questions in the Questionnaire
All survey data must be treated as confidential ... only the researcher(s) will have access to them ... no information will be published about identifiable persons ... without their permission. (Oppenheim, 1992:104)
Consequently, before the questions on the questionnaire (Appendix), I have included an assurance that all answers that the respondents give will be completely confidential.
In constructing the questions I have to ensure, referring to Peterson (2000), that the respondents are able to comprehend them, respond to them and if the respondents will answer the questions. Additionally, as Oppenheim (1992) advises, I should always remember that the respondents are helping me in this research with little direct benefit to them in return. Therefore, I should not only construct the questions with awareness of the respondents' understanding, but also that the respondents' "must ... feel that [I] am doing so." (122)
I am aware that "the words used in a question will always influence how participants answer that question." (Peterson, 2000:46) I have attempted to construct the questions in my questionnaire as unambiguous as possible, avoiding unclear meanings (such as not using verbs with multiple definitions) but not be patronising to the respondents. In constructing these questions, I also recall the warnings that Oppenheim (1992) gives that mis-phrasing a query can antagonise a respondent. Subsequently, some familiarity with the respondents is necessary, considering their range of intellectual abilities and capability of understanding.
Foddy (1993) has advised that if a word is used in the questionnaire that is possibly unfamiliar to the respondents, then including explanation of it may be prudent; preferably before the word itself is applied. As a result, I have included the definitions of "Transgendered People" and "Transgenderist" in the questionnaire. These inclusions were motivated by interviews with various people at 'Northern Concord' who have expressed confusion at certain definitions. "Transgendered" is becoming a more recognised and used term amongst transvestites and transsexual people but the range of its meanings is inconsistently comprehended.
By contrast, are issues of 'acquiescence', which apparently "occurs somewhat more among less educated than more-educated respondents." (Schuman/Presser, 1996:229). Many trans I have conducted pilot interviews with have, by no deliberate personal intention, been highly educated. [10] Most have been extremely amenable, willing to participate and assist in trans research (which possibly could lead to "the Hawthorne Effect" [Burns, 2000:148/9]). However, there are some who feel "more strongly about the issue under enquiry" (Schuman/Presser, 1996:229) and like to express personal views, often without attempting to understand my research aims. The design of the questionnaire attempts to avoid ambiguity but I am aware that some respondents may mis-read or choose to articulate opinions that are not the purpose of the questionnaire, despite my conscientious efforts.
Due to my familiarity with trans people in Manchester as a result of personal contact and qualitative research over a significant time, I was able to design a number of 'closed questions' (also known as 'closed-end questions') for inclusion in the questionnaire. A pre-requisite for their composition is that a researcher must possess considerable knowledge of the study participants, the research subject, and how the answers will be used before any closed-end questions can be constructed. (Peterson, 2000:36)
These types of question have the advantage in enhancing responses in that "some respondents prefer closed questions because they are unwilling or unable to express themselves while being surveyed." (Fink, 1995:33) They also can be readily converted into variable codes [11] for processing by programs such as SPSS. These codes are shown in the columns to the left of those for the answer choices.
Referring to Schuman/Presser (1996:110), there is a concern that the choice of answers given in some of the questions from this questionnaire may possibly bias the respondents even though these choices are based upon previous interviewee responses. Therefore some questions may have to be revised after examining the resulting data.
Another design uncertainty regards questions whose answers are "rating scale categories" (Peterson, 2000:64). Some of these questions (Q13, Q17, Q19, and Q20) are four scale categories, others (Q12, Q14 and Q28) are five scale categories. The latter questions offer negative to positive attitudes and here I am reminded of advice from Schuman & Peterson concerning offering a middle choice in these attitude ranges. While offering such a choice apparently raises the numbers of respondents who choose that category, this effect is "greater among respondents reporting low intensity of feeling on an issue than among those reporting high intensity" (1996:177). From texts concerning trans people and responses from those with whom I have conversed, it is evident that trans people often have intense feelings about their identity, usually as a result of the widespread societal prejudice against them because they do not (`cannot'?) conform to the gender binaries of masculine or feminine.
Detailing the questions specifically, I have grouped them into four main sections. The first section of the questionnaire is 'Personal Details':
Ql: Age
For this question and all others in the questionnaire featuring a sequence of number ranges, care is taken to ensure that each range should not overlap with the previous one (referring to Peterson 2000:42).
Q2: Education
From the categories the variable codes are numbered I to 5 but additional spaces are left for other qualifications not covered. Some of these may be equivalent to those mentioned but this will be ascertained after collection of the questionnaires. Any changes to the variable codes as a result of additional qualifications can be easily effected.
Q3: Where abouts do you live?
I have chosen to use more colloquial phrasing here and in other parts of the questionnaire to make it seem more approachable. I am aware that more formal structures could be seen as being quite intimidating, with resulting wariness in response (to several questions). My choice of general categories in the answer choices reinforces my assurance of respondents' confidentiality.
Q4: In a relationship?
Choice 4 refers to my increasing awareness of unconventional relationships amongst trans people, such as transvestite 'swingers'. [12] According to Schuman & Presser (1996:42) marital happiness may positively influence subsequent responses. However, knowing that many trans people have become maritally strained/divorced as a result of declaring their trans identity to spouses, I wonder if this question may affect respondents negatively as they answer later questions.
Q5: Do you have children?
A dichotomous question, which elicits simple variable conversion.
Q6: What triggered your 'coming out' as transgendered? (tick all that apply)
This is the first question, which explicitly explores trans support networks. Here, the respondents are assumed to know that to 'come out' means being 'public' in their trans identity. This definition is very commonly used in trans communities and between trans people on the internet. Any meaning of `coming out' as referring to being homosexual is rare amongst trans people, with explicit detailing of sexuality preferred instead (such as being 'lesbian', 'gay', `bi' and so on). The choices offered are explanations given to me but I do not know how common these reasons for 'coming out' are.
Q7: How did 'coming out' as trans affect your relationship?
This recalls previous writings (for example Bullough & Bullough, 1993) and interviews regarding this issue. Here I wish to identify initial support factors alongside Q6.
Q8: When did you first 'come out'?
This question connects with respondent age (and possibly family) in exploring how long before the respondent was motivated to 'come out'.
Q9: Going into the 'Village' / 'Northern Concord'. (tick all that apply)
This question also explores support networks. I have seen trans people often accompanied by friends/family but many are solo and interact with people in the `Village'.
Q10: Not including your partner(s) how many people know you're transgendered? (tick all that apply)
Some interviewed trans people have casually declared their transvestite, transsexual or transgenderist identity to friends, family, spouses, work colleagues, etcetera. This question also derives from several queries regarding attitudes to various groups (lesbians, gay men and so on) that socialise in the 'Village'. Several trans interviewees revealed that that they did not know about the other groups in the area, suggesting that trans support and gatherings are predominantly insular. However, "the standard question [13] form ... is not to include a [Don't know] alternative as part of the question." (Schuman/Presser 1996:113). They warn that including 'Don't know' options can dramatically increase the number of respondents who give that answer. Resultantly, I have asked about various other groups in Q10 with the objective that if, for example, the respondents write that they do not have (m)any gay or lesbian confidents then it could suggest that interactions with those groups may be limited in the 'Village' and this then can be explored in the future.
Q11: Your sexuality (tick all that apply)
This is a question where repeated adjustment has been necessary and I am still not certain that these definitions will be adequate. My doubt comes from a growing awareness, during interacting with many trans people (in Manchester and online), that conventional definitions of transgenderism, sexuality and relationship status are becoming increasingly imperfect.
The next section enquires about 'Northern Concord':
Q12: How often do you go to Northern Concord:
This question is designed explicitly to approach trans people that go to Concord and those I approach who do not. Following investigations, Q12 may quantify trans people who go into the 'Village' but no longer go to Concord. Yet, they admire its influence and support.
Q13: What does Northern Concord do?
Q14: Your personal opinion about Northern Concord:
In Q13 and Q14 I am trying to test trans people's regard of 'Concord'. These questions can also indirectly compare with the regard for 'Beaumont Society', London's main trans support club. While this Society was used as a major source of information by several researchers (Ekins, 1997; Suthrell, 2004), many trans people have made negative comments (online and in conversation) about it. By contrast, I have heard and read online many positive comments about Concord and yet no published texts appear to mention it.
The next section focuses on 'The Internet'.
My main purposes in the questions from this section are uncovering how important internet based trans issues are to the respondent and the connections between trans identity, sexual motivations and internet use.
Q15: Do you use the internet?
Variable conversions from Yes/No
Q16: How often do you go on the internet for personal use?
Here, I recall cautions concerning the careful phrasing and emphases of questions (Peterson, 2000). Here, I formatted certain words in bold type to stress the purpose of the question and to avoid any confusion. This follows my conversations with several trans people where I have become aware that many people have had access to the internet at work for much longer than for personal (private) use.
Q17: Do you use the internet to go to (tick all that apply)
The answer choices derive from personal experience of the internet, carrying out interviews with various trans people and reading the above mentioned newspaper articles. However, because of the varieties of internet use, I have had to restricted possible choices here. As a consequence, I am suspicious that this question may be incompletely answered although I have given the option of the respondent identifying 'others' if the range excludes another relevant use of the internet,
Q18: Do you use the internet to chat with transgendered friends?
A dichotomous question.
Q19: How do you communicate with transgendered people on the internet? (tick all that apply)
Q20: What do you talk about with transgendered friends on the internet?
These questions investigate support for trans people as well as, in choice 2 from Q20, enquiring about sexual matters.
The last section concentrates upon the 'The "Gay Village"'.
Q21: How often do you go to the Village?
Yes/No variable conversions.
Q22: Why do you go to the Village? (tick all that apply)
This section is to enquire about the respondents' personal freedom about public transgenderism (choices 1 and 2), their feelings about socialising in the 'Village', interactions with other trans people (choice 4) and other people in 'Village' (choice 5) Additionally, I am also aware that trans people often do not mix with other groups in the 'Village' identified in this question and choice 5 attempts to investigate this.
Q23: Have you heard of Sparkle Day/Weekend?
This is placed at the end of page 5 so that those not knowing about the 'Sparkle' celebrations feel they have ended the questionnaire (and they are thanked for doing so). As a result, the questions about Sparkle are on the back page
Q24: How did you hear about Sparkle?
Q25: Did you go to the transgender celebrations Sparkle Day (2005) and/or Sparkle Weekend (2006)?
As part of enquires about support, Q23 to Q25 examine the popularity of Sparkle, the annual trans celebration.
Q26: Why didn't you go to Sparkle?
This question looks at potential impairments to trans support. I placed this question before Q27 because I didn't want to risk suggesting to the respondent that (s)he should have gone to 'Sparkle' even if in reality (s)he could/did not.
Q27: Why did you go to Sparkle?
In this question I will be looking at trans support and internet usage.
Q28: What did you think of the Sparkle celebration(s)?
A simple grading of attitude.
Analysis of the Data
As the questions in the questionnaire have been designed to readily produce nominal or ordinal data (referring to Arksey/Knight, 1999:157) processing by SPSS is uncomplicated. The codes are included by the question answers with consequential inputting into a created `say' file.
Within the purposes of the questionnaire, several of the questions are primarily designed to give potentially useful results on their own (such as Q6, Q7, Q9, Q10, Q11, Q12-Q14, Q19, Q28) and so could be readily graphically expressed. However, some of their answer choices (variables) also allow comparisons with other questions, such as between the range of sexualities of transvestites (in Q11) and the erotic topics of conversation (in Q20). Other questions have primary aims in facilitating cross-tabulations (such as Q1-Q5, Q8, Q16, Q17, Q21). As a result, it can be investigated whether, for example, 'coming out' (Q8) is dependent upon age (Q1), or perhaps if there is any correlation between where the respondent lives (Q3) and the frequency they attend 'Northern Concord' (Q12) [14]. These correlations can be assessed for how strong they affect each other and whether their correlations are positive or negative (here I refer to, amongst other texts, Part III in de Vaus, 1996). The other questions offer a combination of sole data and assisting correlations. An example is Q27 from which I could investigate any link between 'coming out' at 'Sparkle' (a choice in Q27) and age (Q1).
Possible Alterations of Questionnaire After Pilot Use
There are a number of factors, which may influence the responses, to the questions in this questionnaire. One area of possible differences result from the areas in which the respondents are approached. In the 'Northern Concord', potential respondents will be in comfortable surroundings with little noise or distractions. Additionally, the interviewees will be able to compare and interact with other respondents in this venue. In other places, such as 'AXM', there are plenty of potential respondents but, as mentioned before, the venues are often noisy, crowded and have a mixed clientele (non-trans, straight and gay people). As a consequence, while many respondents in 'Concord' may prefer to complete the questionnaire at the venue, those in other places may need to complete the questionnaire at home.
The first immediate query is that "[e]ven if study participants are likely to answer a potential research question, a researcher needs to assess whether they will answer candidly." (Peterson, 2000:22) There is no guarantee that any respondent will answer any of the questions truthfully. They may be open to some of the queries but not to others.
In particular, I am concerned about the questions that relate to sexual arousal/interests.
I do not (as yet) have any firm data as to expected proportions of transvestites, transsexuals and transgenderists who may return questionnaires fully completed. However, I am aware of common effects that previous generalisations have had upon these groups. For example, the previously mentioned writers Johnson, Buhrich and Bullough & Bullough all detail that many transvestites repeatedly deny that their cross-dressing is sexually motivated in order to counter the dominant perception of psychoanalysts. Part of this denial may derive from transvestites' feelings that psychoanalysts are prejudiced against them.
With this in mind and considering the above-mentioned survey featured in The Independent, responses given by, for example, transvestites, concerning enquiries about their searches for Internet pornography, may merit cynical appraisal. If the responses given are lower than the asserted national average for men then either the respondents deliberately underestimate their motivations [I5] perhaps as a result of the psychoanalysts' views, or that they are indeed less sexually motivated than many men. Further research may be needed in possibly rephrasing some questions following qualitative interviewing or after setting up focus groups to discuss the results from this pilot questionnaire.
Other probable difficulties in this questionnaire may include "[t]he salience hypothesis [which] is that a particular response is made more available or more attractive through a kind of consciousness-process created by preceding questions." (Schuman/Presser, 1996:44) Conversely, the opposite effect may occur. For example, the question asking about the respondent's sexuality (Q11) may cause the respondent to understate later questions, which ask about sexual motivations (for instance Q17).
Questions, such as Q17, that depend upon the respondents choosing between alternative answers. "[R]esponse-order effects may remain completely invisible, so that an investigator never realises, for example, that [an answer] ... is not chosen not because of its substance, but because it is last in the list." (56) Other 'invisible' factors may result from questions, which provide answers that may require the respondents to recall experiences. Here memory difficulties (Peterson, 2000) may result in some answer responses being incomplete. Subsequent qualitative interviewing may provide elucidations about the validity of such effects.
Conclusion
There has been little quantitative data on trans people in this country. What there is has been from unverified sources or in areas of research that are specific. Established trans support groups have been seemingly ignored or dismissed.
Deriving from these deficiencies, contemporary British research of trans people has been handicapped by having little direction in which to conduct studies. This deficit has led writers who are not personally (or openly) trans to concentrate upon avenues of research that show little of the variety of trans communities and their support networks. Contrastingly, I have been able to familiarise myself with many of Manchester's trans groups. Consequently, this paper benefits from a detailed knowledge of the people who frequent the area of Manchester known as the `Gay Village'.
I have concentrated upon exploring support networks from a preliminary perspective, and have designed a pilot questionnaire where its resulting data may, in contrast to prior flawed research, give a fuller range of directions in order to assist future studies.
As a result of little previous research in this area there is also no information about unseen factors that may affect the respondents' answers. Such awareness has to be guided by advisory quantitative research texts. "Social scientists have long been tempted to assume the respondent's behaviour is congruent with their attitudes. Yet the evidence for this link has never been very strong." (Foddy, 1993:3) There is no certainty at this stage in the investigation that the interviewees will complete the questionnaire honestly, actually reflecting their situations. From previous interviews, I am aware that while some trans people are disarmingly open about much of their lives, some do tend to, for instance, 'idealise' their perceptions and give answers that they would like to believe and not what happens in reality.
Endnotes
[1] Writing with Virginia Prince, this research was called "Transvestism: A Survey of 1032 Cross-Dressers". The study was referred to on the Ingenta Connect website.
[2] However, certain parts are seriously biased. For instance, in one question, (s)he gives choices of sexual fantasies for possible answers but these choices are based upon submissive fantasies despite there being numerous dominant bisexual transvestites (with online sites detailing their sexual references and 'availability').
[3] Recently he became Professor Stephen Whittle, still based at Manchester Metropolitan University.
[4] I refer to Arksey & Knight (1999) and their chapter 'Triangulation in Data Collection' (21).
[5] Several trans people in Manchester have informed me that the city's 'Village' has become regarded as a very important area attracting trans people nationwide. Consequently, the alleged biggest annual (inter)national trans celebration, the ‘Sparkle Weekend’, is held in Manchester.
[6] This survey was conducted by Nielson NetRatings in 2006.
[7] Regarding women being aroused in this way, Amy Bloom writes "I know that there is an erotic dimension to getting dressed up (it's not just cross-dressers who appreciate the rustle of a slip, the slide of a stocking)." (2002:79)
[8] However, Ekins, with King, is shortly to publish another book about transgenderism. There are few available details of this text but what details there are do not mention any inclusion of quantitative analyses.
[9] Many trans people only 'come out' in the 'Village' (hence some often nickname the area as `the big closet'). I have met several trans people who also regularly go into other parts of Greater Manchester (and to other cities, sometimes internationally). At present, due to deficient texts in this research area, I have little idea of the numbers who do so or even if that number is changing with time.
[10] I am uncertain as to whether, for some reason, I just simply attract their attention or that, for example, places such as ‘Northern Concord’, regularly attract highly educated trans people.
[11] No response to any questions is defined as '0'.
[12] Swingers' are people who have multiple (bi)sexual encounters, usually at venues specialising in their interests.
[13] Their emphasis.
[14] I have observed that distant living location is not always an impediment to a trans person's attendance in the `Northern Concord'. Consequently, this situation probably links closely with the types of their available support networks.
[15] Despite assurances of confidentiality.
References
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Bloom, A (2002) Normal — Transsexual CEOs, Crossdressing Cops and Hermaphrodites With Attitude. New York, USA: Vintage Books.
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Raymond, J (1994) 'The Politics of Transgenderism' in Ekins R & King D (eds)
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Appendix
References
Arkley, H & Knight, P (1999) Interviewing for Social Scientists,Sage Publications, London
Baker, J (2006) http://www.northernconcordorg.uk/What is.htm
Bloom, A (2002) Normal — Transsexual CEOs, Crossdressing Cops and Hermaphrodites With Attitude, Vintage Books, New York
Bryman, A (2001) Social Research Methods, Oxford University Press, Oxford
Buhrich, N (1976) 'A Heterosexual Transvestite Club' in Ekins R & King D (eds) (1996) Blending Genders — Social Aspects of Cross-dressing and Sex Changing, Routledge, London
Bullough, V L & Bullough, B (1993) Cross Dressing, Sex and Gender, University of Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania
Burns, R B (2000) Introduction to Research Methods, Sage Publications, London Burton, D (2000) Research Training for Social Scientists, Sage Publications, London Dale, H (2006) http://www.geocities.com/WestHollywood/5604/
Ekins, R (1997) Male Femaling, Routledge, London
Fink, A (1995) How to Ask Survey Questions, Sage Publications, London
Foddy, W (1993) Constructing Questions for Interviews and Questionnaires, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
Ingenta (2006) Ingenta Connect - Transvestism: A Survey of 1032 Cross-Dressers (by Docter, R F & Prince, V)
Johnson, 0 S (2003) The Sexual Rainbow — Exploring Sexual Diversity, Fusion Press, London
Lee, V (2005) He or She?, The WayOut Publishing Co Ltd, Enfield
Novic, R J (2004) Alice in Genderland, iUniverse Inc, New York
Oppenheim, 0 (1992) Questionnaire Design, Interviewing and Attitude Measurement, Continuum, London
Peterson, R A (2000) Constructing Effective Questionnaires, Sage Publications, London
Raymond, J (1994) 'The Politics of Transgenderism' in Ekins R & King D [eds] (1996) Blending Genders — Social Aspects of Cross-dressing and Sex Changing, Routledge, London
Rudd, P J (1999) My Husband Wears My Clothes, PM Publishers, Katy [Texas] Schuman, H &
Presser, S (1996) Questions & Answers in Attitude Surveys, Sage Publications, London
Suthrell, C (2004) Unzipping Gender — Sex, Cross-dressing and Culture, Berg, London
De Vaus, D A (1996) Surveys in Social Research, UCL Press Ltd, London
Whittle, S (2006) http://www.beaumontsociety.org.ukinews/News.html
Arkley, H & Knight, P (1999) Interviewing for Social Scientists,Sage Publications, London
Baker, J (2006) http://www.northernconcordorg.uk/What is.htm
Bloom, A (2002) Normal — Transsexual CEOs, Crossdressing Cops and Hermaphrodites With Attitude, Vintage Books, New York
Bryman, A (2001) Social Research Methods, Oxford University Press, Oxford
Buhrich, N (1976) 'A Heterosexual Transvestite Club' in Ekins R & King D (eds) (1996) Blending Genders — Social Aspects of Cross-dressing and Sex Changing, Routledge, London
Bullough, V L & Bullough, B (1993) Cross Dressing, Sex and Gender, University of Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania
Burns, R B (2000) Introduction to Research Methods, Sage Publications, London Burton, D (2000) Research Training for Social Scientists, Sage Publications, London Dale, H (2006) http://www.geocities.com/WestHollywood/5604/
Ekins, R (1997) Male Femaling, Routledge, London
Fink, A (1995) How to Ask Survey Questions, Sage Publications, London
Foddy, W (1993) Constructing Questions for Interviews and Questionnaires, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
Ingenta (2006) Ingenta Connect - Transvestism: A Survey of 1032 Cross-Dressers (by Docter, R F & Prince, V)
Johnson, 0 S (2003) The Sexual Rainbow — Exploring Sexual Diversity, Fusion Press, London
Lee, V (2005) He or She?, The WayOut Publishing Co Ltd, Enfield
Novic, R J (2004) Alice in Genderland, iUniverse Inc, New York
Oppenheim, 0 (1992) Questionnaire Design, Interviewing and Attitude Measurement, Continuum, London
Peterson, R A (2000) Constructing Effective Questionnaires, Sage Publications, London
Raymond, J (1994) 'The Politics of Transgenderism' in Ekins R & King D [eds] (1996) Blending Genders — Social Aspects of Cross-dressing and Sex Changing, Routledge, London
Rudd, P J (1999) My Husband Wears My Clothes, PM Publishers, Katy [Texas] Schuman, H &
Presser, S (1996) Questions & Answers in Attitude Surveys, Sage Publications, London
Suthrell, C (2004) Unzipping Gender — Sex, Cross-dressing and Culture, Berg, London
De Vaus, D A (1996) Surveys in Social Research, UCL Press Ltd, London
Whittle, S (2006) http://www.beaumontsociety.org.ukinews/News.html